By James Nord and Briana Bierschbach

The DFL caucus that ended in a brawl and sent a woman to the hospital earlier this month is at the center of allegations that threats and bullying were used to disrupt the political process and that some people were paid to attend the caucus.

Further, Minneapolis City Council Member Abdi Warsame’s involvement in a contentious state House race that prompted the caucus fight has swept up City Hall and fractured the East African political community.

After a disagreement over who would run the Cedar-Riverside caucus, Kahn supporter Mohamed Jama stood on a table and began chanting his initials. That’s when chaos broke out. MinnPost photo by James Nord

MinnPost has learned that the day before the Cedar-Riverside caucus, Warsame told another council member, Andrew Johnson, that he should warn his aide to stay away from the caucus or there could be trouble for her.

Warsame is supporting longtime incumbent DFL Rep. Phyllis Kahn; Johnson’s aide, Somali activist Ilhan Omar, is widely believed to be supporting the challenger, fellow Somali Mohamud Noor, though she says she’s neutral in the race.

Omar did attend the caucus, and ended up in the hospital with a concussion.

This description of the Feb. 4 caucus and events leading up to the gathering is based on interviews with Somali political activists who attended the caucus, City Hall officials, DFL political operatives, a non-political caucus attendee and the observations of a MinnPost reporter who attended the caucus.

These sources detailed threats and behind-the-scenes political attacks in the state House contest between Kahn and Noor. Kahn is facing one of the toughest endorsement battles in her 42 years in the Legislature.

The simmering divisions were on open display at two DFL precinct caucus meetings in Somali neighborhoods of Minneapolis. Both caucuses erupted in chaos and violence.

One caucus, in the Seward neighborhood, was able to finish its work. But the other caucus, in the Cedar-Riverside neighborhood, abruptly ended after Omar, Johnson’s aide who was allegedly warned not to attend, was injured during a fight and Minneapolis police shut down the scene.

“That’s not a good reason you should be beaten up … just [for] supporting somebody,” Abdi Mohamed, a Noor supporter who worked at the event, later said during an interview. “That’s un-American. That’s not why we came here. If we wanted violence, we could have stayed in Somalia. There’s plenty of violence every day.”

Officials in the city of Minneapolis human resources department are investigating possible workplace misconduct over actions that occurred in City Hall during the runup to the caucus. A city spokesman confirmed there is an open complaint against Warsame, but couldn’t provide additional details including whether the complaint and investigation are related.

“That’s really something I don’t want to talk about,” Warsame said when asked about the initial comment that Omar stay home. In a later interview, Warsame said that he has not been contacted about any possible city investigation, declining to say more.

Warsame also denied that he or any of his associates were involved in the caucus disturbance. “Like I said, I wasn’t involved in it,” he said. “My office was not involved in it.”

Minneapolis police spokesman John Elder said the department’s First Precinct is investigating the caucus fight, but Johnson and other City Hall officials have been critical of those efforts so far.

“I would like to see a better response,” Blong Yang, who chairs the City Council’s Public Safety Committee, said in an interview. “In this case, I think folks can just say, ‘If this is a Somali person and she works for Andrew Johnson and our police department won’t even take her statement and won’t even look at her case, how can anybody have faith?’ ”

Read more

Source:MinnPost

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By Abdi Farah Laqan

In August 1920, in the aftermath of the 1^st World War, the victorious allied nations met in Sevres, just outside Paris, to sign a treaty that dictated the partition of Anatolia (present day Turkey), which had been the seat of the defeated Othman empire.  To make things worse, large chunks of the Turkish homeland were given to historical enemies of Turkey. A region in the west was to become part of Greece. Eastern provinces would become a new Armenian state. A region in the south would be given to the Kurds. Russia, Italy, France, and Britain grabbed the most productive parts of the land for themselves. What was left for the Turks was a rocky expanse in central Anatolia with no access to the Aegean or the Mediterranean seas.

This was not to be. What the allied nations failed to grasp was the resolve of the Turkish people in general and the man who emerged as their leader in particular.

Enter Mustafa Kemal Ataturk

Mustafa Kemal first emerged as a military hero in 1915 in the protracted battle of the Gallipoli Peninsula. The British, who considered the Turks incapable of resistance, undertook a massive marine landing at the beaches of Gallipoli in order to capture Istanbul. Nearly eight months later the Allied troops (Britain, Australia, and New Zealand) retreated after suffering massive casualties. Forty-four thousand Allied troops died in the failed attempt to capture Gallipoli. Twice that number of Turks died defending it. Mustafa Kemal came out of the war a national hero.

But what made Mustafa Kemal a legend was his dogged determination to stop the planned dismemberment of his country. Using the Sevres Treaty as a rallying cry, he organized and led a rebellion against the occupying powers. And against all odds, Mustafa Kemal and his clique of guerrillas managed to kick all foreign troops out of Turkey. After this huge triumph, the historic title of “Qazi” (reserved for great warriors and defenders of the faith) was bestowed on Mustafa Kemal. For the rest of his life Mustafa Kemal was known as “Qazi Pasha” or simply the Qazi.

Today, it’s Somalia that is in danger of being dismembered. There are so many regions (of Somalia) that claim to be either autonomous or independent, so much so that I lost count.

The demise of united Somalia is evident in the emergence of multiple mini-states, each one of them being the creation of a dominant clan in a geographical area. To survive, these clan fiefdoms stumble over each other seeking protection, as puppet mini-states, from Somalia’s neighboring countries, two of which (Ethiopia and Kenya), I suspect, have sinister motives in Somalia. It’s significant to note that these two countries have a long-standing mutual defense pact dating back to 1964 and renewed twice in 1980 and 1987. Perhaps it’s because of this defense pact that both maintain troops in certain regions of Somalia. It’s not far-fetched to surmise that, at best, they want to keep Somalia weak and divided or, at worst, annex parts of it.

At this juncture, there is no central authority that has the moral capacity or the fortitude to lead and govern a united Somalia. The so-called Federal Government controls (with the help of foreign troops) no more than few blocks in Mogadishu. The current leadership is no different than those who came before them. Like their predecessors, they are nothing more than kleptocrats, eager to loot the meager sums of aid money donated by the international community to sustain the Somali people. After they stash enough cash in international banks they leave office, move out of the country and settle in foreign countries, leaving behind destitute citizenry.

In Somalia, things are so broken that even those who have a shred of integrity left in them are swept in a clannish tide that never seems to recede. We’re continuously fighting among ourselves – clan against clan, sub-clan against sub-clan – that we seem not to know what it means to be a citizen of a country, any country.

Even those of us who lead successful lives in North America and Europe, with college education and professional jobs are not immune to the toxicity of parochial views disseminated by clan propaganda machines. We seem to be always in the grip of clan sectarianism from which we can’t untangle ourselves, regardless of how hard we try. Even the best-intentioned of us, who may be inclined to believe in the sacrosanctity of united Somalia, find it almost impossible to shake this curse. Think about it, every time a new government is installed in Muqdisho, Hargeysa, Garowe, or any of the other autonomous entities, the first thing that every Somali, anywhere in the world, wants to find out is the clan composition of the new government.

It appears that at every step of the way, clan loyalty trumps nationhood. Sure, we all claim that we belong to the nation of Somalia. But, seriously, who are we kidding? We all know that we’re hardwired to pledge allegiance to our respective clans first and foremost, with the idea of nationhood relegated to a distant second. So I ask you, what is the sense of having a national flag if no one is willing to fight for it? Why assemble a national army if the soldier who is supposed to defend the homeland would rather die fighting in a clan war. Why pretend to form a national government knowing that it’s based on a diabolical formula – the wicked 4.5 principle – which continually divides the Somali people into clans and sub-clans.

The truth is we cannot be a viable nation while holding on to the misguided notion that clan lineage is paramount to the basic idea of nationhood. Yet that is exactly what is happening. Every (so-called) government constituted in Somalia in the last two decades has been formulated on clan basis. The problem is that there are far too many clans and subclans to share the limited number of senior positions, and every clan or subclan expects to be represented in the government. This, of course, is impossible since there is only one president, one prime minister, and a handful of ministerial positions. It’s only natural, given the limited supply of positions, that some clans will go empty-handed.

Not being able to meet the political expectations of every clan is a problem that has no solution. As long as there are clans or sub-clans who feel that they have not received their equitable representation in the government, the stability of the government, any government in Somalia, will remain an unattainable dream. Perhaps that is why we have tens of thousands of foreign troops stationed in the country to prop up the clannish (and weak) government in Mogadishu. It is unfortunate that President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud fails to understand the futility of trying to pacify the population by military force, and a foreign one at that. That didn’t work for Sheikh Sharif or Abdullahi Yusuf either.

Given the succession of bad leaders that Somalia had over the last twenty-some years, it is easy to conclude that the country is beyond repair; that the people are too polarized to find common ground; and that the genie of tribalism is out of the bottle and cannot be recaptured. That is all true to some extent, but it is wrong to assume that the situation is irreversible. The question is whether Somalia has the good fortunes to produce someone (among its sons and daughters) who can do for Somalia what Mustafa Kemal had done for Turkey.
Let us hope so.

Abdi Farah Laqan
Virginia, USA
Email:aflaqan@gmail.com

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NAIROBI, Kenya – The government says that the process of repatriating Somali refugees from the Dadaab camp in North Eastern Kenya may take approximately two years.

Speaking to reporters after meeting Somali Prime Minister Abdiweli Sheikh Ahmed on Wednesday, Deputy President William Ruto indicated that measures, including provision of security from Al Shabaab militia, were being undertaken to ensure a smooth passage for the refugees.

He observed that between 80,000 and 100,000 refugees had already travelled to Somalia voluntarily and urged the Somali government to put infrastructure and social amenities in place to accommodate the populace.

“More refugees will voluntarily want to go back home. The tri-partite agreement between UNHCR, the government of Kenya and The Federal Government of Somalia will again provide additional momentum in facilitating the safe return of refugees to Somalia. We are looking at a process that is expected to take up to two years,” the DP stated.

“I once went to a place called Chalbi Desert in Kenya and I met a friend of mine who later became an MP for that area and he had gone to school in America. When I went to Chalbi Desert I was wondering why anyone would want to stay in the desert so I asked him what made him leave America to come back here after he had found a home,” he narrated when asked whether it was too soon to start sending the refugees home.

Source:

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Wararka maanta waxaad ku dhageysan doontaan: R/wasaaraha Soomaaliya oo la kulmay jaaliyada Soomaaliyeed ee dalka Kenya gudoomiyihii hore ee Barlamaankii KMG ahaa oo sheegay in ay meel gaba gaba ah marayo shirka baydhaba ka socday iyo warar kale

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Letter dated 6 February 2014 from the Coordinator of the Somalia and Eritrea
Monitoring Group addressed to the Chair of the Committee 

Excellency,

I have the honour to address you in my capacity as Coordinator of the Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group (SEMG) mandated pursuant to paragraph 27 of Security Council resolution 2111 (2013).
I am writing generally regarding the status of modifications to the arms embargo on

Somalia provided for by Security Council resolutions 2093 (2013) and 2111 (2013), and specifically pursuant to the reporting requirements given to the Monitoring Group in paragraph 41 of resolution 2093 (2013). The investigations of the Monitoring Group regarding the arms embargo on Somalia are ongoing and the observations below reflect preliminary conclusions regarding trends identified by the Monitoring Group. However, this initial assessment is being provided to the Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea (hereafter “the Committee”) in advance of the 6 March 2014 deadline set by resolutions 2093 (2013) and 2111 (2013) and the forthcoming informal consultations of the Committee on 21 February 2014.

The Monitoring Group has identified a number of issues and concerns over current management of weapons and ammunition stockpiles by the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), which point to high level and systematic abuses in weapons and ammunition management and distribution. In addition, the Monitoring Group assesses that the FGS has not complied sufficiently with the provisions of paragraph 9 of resolution 2111 (2013) in respect of its requirement to report to the Security Council on its military structure, logistical infrastructure and arms control procedures. Furthermore, notification procedures for the delivery of weapons to Somalia appear to be insufficiently detailed and pose serious challenges to the ability of the Monitoring Group to monitor the diversion of weapons in a context where the FGS has only agreed to give partial visibility over its stockpiles to the Monitoring Group.

Read the full Monitoring Group Report Feb 2014

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COPENHAGEN (Reuters) – Two American security workers have been found dead on the Maersk Alabama, a ship made famous by the Hollywood movie “Captain Phillips” in 2013, an oil and shipping group said on Wednesday.

A.P. Moller-Maersk said in a statement that the two men were found dead in a cabin on board the vessel in the afternoon of February 18 in Port of Victoria in the Seychelles.
The Maersk Alabama was targeted by Somali pirates in an attempted hijacking off the east coast of Africa in 2009. The 2013 film “Captain Phillips” is based on the incident. Maersk gave no details about how the two men had died.
“The cause of the death for both men is part of the ongoing investigation, but it was not related to vessel operations or their duties as security personnel,” its statement said.

Local law enforcement agencies were investigating the deaths on the Maersk Alabama, which berthed in Port of Victoria around midday on February 17. The security contractors had boarded the vessel on January 29, Maersk said 

Maersk Alabama is part of a U.S.-flagged fleet controlled by Maersk Line Limited, a unit in A.P. Moller-Maersk, which performs military, government and humanitarian missions by transporting cargo on its container, tanker and multi-purpose ships, according to the company’s website.

Maersk’s statement said Maersk Line Limited contracts vessel security services to Trident Group in accordance with U.S. Coast Guard security directives. Contracted security is part of anti-piracy protection plans to safeguard crews and vessels.
It said the Maersk Alabama is persistently in high-risk areas since it provides feeder service – calling at smaller ports to collect containers that are later loaded on bigger container vessels – to the east coast of Africa.

“Captain Phillips”, directed by Paul Greengrass and starring Tom Hanks and Barkhad Abdi, is based on the attack on the Maersk Alabama in 2009, when Captain Richard Phillips was taken hostage by pirates led by Abduwali Muse in the Indian Ocean.

(Reporting by Ole Mikkelsen; Editing by Alistair Lyon)

Source: Reuters

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United Nations ( Reuters)- The U.N. Security Council is unlikely to fully restore a decades-old arms embargo on Somalia, despite concerns about the possible diversion of weapons to al Qaeda-linked militants, but may extend eased restrictions on government purchases, diplomats said.

A year ago, the 15-member council agreed to partially lift the arms embargo on Somalia, allowing the government in Mogadishu to buy light weapons to strengthen its security forces to fight Islamist groups.

However, a confidential U.N. monitors’ report obtained by Reuters last week, warned of “systematic abuses” by Somalia‘s government – which the monitors say has allowed the diversion of weapons that Somali authorities purchased after the Security Council eased the arms embargo last year.

“Given the concerns about the way the suspension has been operated, we’re thinking of … continuing the suspension but for a more limited period with some very strict criteria,” said a senior U.N. diplomat, speaking on condition of anonymity.

The eased restrictions are due to expire early next month. Instead of extending the move for another year, it may only be renewed until the end of October, which is when U.N. experts – who monitor the embargo and other sanctions on Somalia and Eritrea – are due to report to council on any violations.

“This is not because the international community thinks the Somali government is doing a good job in keeping track of its weapons. On the contrary,” said a diplomatic source, adding that new conditions on the government could include further notification and reporting requirements on arms purchases.

The U.N. Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group recommended in its confidential report to the Security Council’s sanctions committees last week that either the full arms embargo be restored or at least notification and reporting requirements related to arms deliveries be tightened.

‘FINAL WARNING’

Somalia‘s government last year had asked for the arms embargo to be fully removed and the United States supported that, but other Security Council members were wary of doing that in a country already awash with weapons, diplomats said.

The senior diplomat said some Security Council members might “argue that ( Somalia‘s government) had their chance and they blew it and we should re-impose the arms embargo.” But he said a shorter extension of the eased restrictions, with tighter conditions, could be seen as a “final warning.”

The Security Council imposed the embargo on Somalia in 1992 to cut the flow of weapons to feuding warlords, who a year earlier had ousted dictator Mohamed Siad Barre and plunged the country into civil war. Somalia held its first vote since 1991 in 2012 to elect a president and prime minister.

The eased restrictions allow sales to the government of such weapons as automatic assault rifles and rocket-propelled grenades, but leave in place a ban on surface-to-air missiles, large-caliber guns, howitzers, cannons and mortars as well as anti-tank guided weapons, mines and night-vision weapon sights.

The U.N. resolution last year said weapons and equipment “may not be resold to, transferred to, or made available for use by, any individual or entity not in the service of the security forces of the federal government of Somalia.”

It asked the Somalia government to report regularly on the structure of the security forces and the infrastructure and procedures in place to ensure safe storage, maintenance and distribution of military equipment.

There is a 17,600-strong African Union peacekeeping force and a U.N. political mission in the Horn of Africa country.

Source: Reuters

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Mogadishu—Fadumo, a Somali journalist, finally spoke to the media about being raped after her calls to the authorities fell on deaf ears.

She said she had been raped by two other journalists several months earlier. Two days after her interview was broadcast, police hauled her in for questioning. Three weeks later, a judge convicted her of defamation—based on a complaint filed by the alleged perpetrators—and sentenced her to six months of house arrest. When I spoke to her in Somalia’s capital Mogadishu, she told me: “The most important thing for me now is to have my life back.”

In late 2012 a new government came to power in Somalia. Shortly after taking up office the new President, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, committed to tackling the country’s rampant sexual violence and to carry out essential security sector and justice reforms.

Despite these commitments, Fadumo’s case is one of three high-profile Somali incidents of sexual violence Human Rights Watch documented in 2013 in which state security forces intimidated and sought to discredit women who reported rape.

In two of the cases, the new Somali government prosecuted the women reporting the rape.

In February 2013, an internally displaced woman, who said she was raped by government forces, and the journalist who interviewed her were prosecuted and convicted of tarnishing state institutions. They were eventually acquitted—after the journalist served 66 days in Mogadishu central prison. In August, another woman said that Somali soldiers abducted her and handed her over to African Union soldiers who raped her. A joint Somali and African Union mission high-level task force established to investigate the incident never published their findings or took any specific action. During the investigation, government intelligence agents intimidated and threatened the survivor and the service provider who offered medical support and a safe haven.

These three women’s lives were devastated, first by the rape, and then by the persecution they faced for speaking out.

Human Rights Watch’s new report, “‘Here, Rape is Normal,” documents the ongoing crisis of rape in Mogadishu, particularly for internally displaced women and girls. We explain that the government can and should tackle Somalia’s epidemic of sexual violence by improving the security of vulnerable populations and ensuring survivors have access to medical assistance and judicial redress.

Somalia’s new government clearly faces daunting challenges given the scope of abuse and the extensive measures needed to address it. Many of the recommendations will take significant time and resources to implement. But preventing retaliation against victims who dare to speak out or against health service providers who are valiantly offering basic critical support is a crucial cost-free measure. It only requires the political will to make it happen.

Foreign Secretary William Hague welcomed the release of our report on Twitter, and said the FCO was looking at stepping up support for vulnerable groups. Given the UK’s role as a key donor to Somalia and the Foreign Secretary’s personal commitment to tackling conflict-related sexual violence, it should take the lead in pressing their Somali counterparts to make sure that the mistakes of 2013 are not repeated. In Mogadishu, a range of key government officials including ministers in the new cabinet pledged to act. Police officials committed to deploying competent police to the capital’s unprotected internally displaced people’s camps. Members of the government’s new ministry for human rights agreed their draft policy on gender equality needed to prioritize sexual violence. This is a sign of some progress. During a massive influx of internally displaced persons into Mogadishu during the 2011 famine in which there were increased reports of rape, the Somali authorities did little but deny the problem.

Despite these positive responses, we must ask, if the authorities were once again faced with a highly publicized or politicized case, would they react any differently? Would they focus on investigating the claims—or would the priority once again be on protecting the image of the state and silencing the victim?

During our meetings in Mogadishu we repeatedly heard the same refrain, “we will investigate credible allegations but seek to prevent false ones.” Given the huge obstacles and real dangers faced by women reporting rape, the government should not adopt the mindset that they are being bombarded with false rape claims.

Instead they should recognize the urgent need to build up strong and independent institutions capable of preventing rape and supporting victims.

Fadumo will never be able to return to her previous life, given both the physical and psychological impact of the rape and the stigma of her conviction. However, if the government works to establish an enabling environment for women to come forward about rape, allows all claims to be promptly investigated, and ensures that service providers working with victims of sexual violence are able to do their work, free of harassment, other women and girls in Somalia may yet escape Fadumo’s fate.

Source: HRW

Laetitia Bader is Somalia researcher at Human Rights Watch. You can follow her @LaetitiaBader.

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MOGADISHU, Somalia – Residents in Mogadishu say that hundreds of families are fleeing the Somali capital after a spike in the number of clashes between militants and pro-government troops.

Dozens of vehicles piled high with belongings headed to the outskirts of Mogadishu on Thursday.

Mumino Jama, a mother of five, said her family is leaving because the fighting is “scary.” Mohamed Ali, another resident, said heavy clashes have included mortar fire that has landed on civilian homes. Ali said he knows of four people killed in the clashes.

The clashes follow a rise in assassinations by gunmen.

The latest violence is a setback for the Somali capital, which is trying to move past decades of war. Mogadishu has seen relative stability since the ouster of Islamist rebels from al-Shabab in 2011.

Source: AP

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Wararka aan idiin heyno maanta waxaa ka mid ah:Faafaahina ka soo baxaya dagaalo xalay ka dhacay Muqdisho, Hogaamiyaha Maamulka Juba oo soo magacaabay wasiir ku xigeeno iyo wasiiro dowlayaal iyo warar kale

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WardheerNews ( WDN) Maamul goboleedka Juba ayaa maanta   magacaabay tiro wasiiro xigeeno ah. Nuqulka magacaabiska wasiiro xigeenada uu soo gaadhay WardheerNews, ayaa u qornaa sida hoos ku xusan:

1. Mudane Cali Maxamed Xaashi – Wasiir xigeenka Maaliyada, -  Laylkase

2. Mudane C/rashiid Xasan Cabdinuur – Wasiir xigeenka Arimaha Gudaha iyo Amniga, Mareexaan.

3. Mudane Cabdi Xuseen Cali – Wasiir  xigeenka Qorshaynta iyo Xiriirka Caalamka, Ajuuraan

4. Mudane Daahir C/qaadir Maxamed – Wasiir Xigeenka Beeraha, Xoolaha iyo Kaluumaysiga, Digil iyo Mirifle

5. Mudane Axmed C/qaadir Cali – Wasiir  xigeenka Arimaha Bulshada, Geri

6. Mudane Caydiid Saleebaan Xaashi – Wasiir  xigeenka Caafimaadka, Dhulbahante

7. Isaaq Muxumed Xasan – Wasiir  xigeenka Garsoorka iyo Diinta,

8. Geelle Muxumed Aadan – Wasiir xigeenka Gaadiidka iyo Boostada, Ogaden 

9. Xasan Isxaaq Yacquub – Wasiir xigeenka Ganacsiga iyo Warshadaha

10. Maxamed Nuur Buule - Wasiir xigeenka Macdanta, Biyaha iyo Bay’ada, Mareexaan.

WardheerNews

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by kelly tey

COFFEE aficionados have a new morning kick-starter at Davidoff Café with its Supreme Reserve Ethiopian Highlands instant pure coffee.

The limited-edition brand of coffee is a special blend made from choice Arabica beans from Ethiopia, known for being the “birthplace of coffee”.

Ethiopian highlands in the Kaffa province enjoy a mild climate with “13 months of sunshine”, where coffee cherries take longer to ripen at the high altitudes, developing more complex flavours with a rich intensity.

The skillful and knowledgeable Davidoff Café sommeliers then carefully process and refine the coffee beans to achieve fine acidity and smooth taste that is coupled with a hint of Jasmine for a unique coffee experience.

“The brand has been known to take coffee to new heights,” said Davidoff Café exclusive distributor for Malaysia and Brunei, GBA Corporation Sdn Bhd general manager Mohan Alagappar.

“We are proud to prove this once again, and to continue to tantalise the taste buds of Malaysian coffee connoisseurs with our latest product.”

The Ethiopian Highlands blend is produced in limited quantities and is available only once a year to discerning coffee consumers.

The 100g bottle makes about 55 to 56 cups of coffee (based on the use of 1.8g coffee for each cup).

Davidoff Café Supreme Reserve Ethiopian Highlands is available at RM35.90 per bottle.

The brand’s other variants include; Rich Aroma, Fine Aroma and Espresso.

They are also available at retail outlets such as Cold Storage as well as independent supermarkets such as Ben’s Independent Grocer, Isetan and Jaya Grocer.

Source: thestar

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(Reuters) – An investigation into deadly clashes this week at an immigration detention center in Papua New Guinea will examine possible misconduct by private security contractors, Australia’s immigration minister said on Friday.

One asylum seeker was killed and more than 60 were injured during riots at a facility on Manus Island in Papua New Guinea that houses asylum seekers as part of Prime Minister Tony Abbott’s tough policies to deter them from coming to Australia.

Several detainees allege they were set upon with makeshift weapons by Papua New Guinea police and PNG employees of Britain’s G4S, the world’s biggest security group, which is responsible for security at the facility.

“I wish to stress that the review will look closely at any actions of those contracted to provide services at the center in a safe and secure manner,” Immigration Minister Scott Morrison told reporters in Canberra.

Australia uses detention centers at Manus Island and another on the tiny Pacific island of Nauru to process would-be refugees sent there after trying to get to Australia, often in unsafe boats after paying people smugglers in Indonesia.

The number of asylum seekers reaching Australia pales in comparison with other countries but it is a polarizing political issue that also stokes tension with neighboring Indonesia over border policies that have been criticized by the United Nations and international human rights groups.

The U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees has said the Manus Island camp should be shut because it fails to provide “safe and humane conditions of treatment in detention”.

Morrison said the riot began when detainees forced their way out of the center. However, refugee advocates said it was triggered when Manus Island residents, G4S employees and PNG police stormed the facility, attacking the asylum seekers.

In a statement on Wednesday, G4S said that it was taking the allegations seriously and supported an independent investigation into the disturbances.

“G4S is concerned by allegations that Papua New Guinea nationals working for G4S may have been involved in the violence against transferees on Manus Island,” it said.

G4S recently lost a tender to continue providing services at the facility, which will be taken over as soon as this month by Australian firm Transfield Services Ltd. Transfield runs the detention center on Nauru.

G4S has a checkered recent history. In 2012, it failed to provide enough staff for the London Olympics, and has since been involved in problems with an electronic tagging contract in Britain and unrest at prisons it has run in South Africa and Britain.

(Editing by Paul Tait)

Source:Reuters

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Qalinkii Saciid Faarax

Madaxweyne Cabdi Weli isagoo ka jawaabaya baahida reer Puntland ay u qabaan dimoqraadiyaynta wuxuu ku ballan qaaday dhowr wareysiyo oo uu bixiyey doorashadiisii ka dib inuu dalka gaarsiin doono 2019 doorashooyin qof walba uu codkiisa ku dhiibto si loo helo hoggaan qaran oo shacabka ka yimaada. Hagaag! Ha yeeshee waxaan durbadiiba si lama filaan ah u iri “aga!” oo  madaxweynuhu maba xusin doorashooyinka guud ee  loo qorsheeyey inay Soomaaliya guud ahaan ka dhacaan 2016 oo ay innaga xigto  3 sano oo keli ahi? Mana uusan xataa tilmaamin doorashooyinka golayaasha degaanka ee la rabo  inay ka qabsoomaan Soomaaliya oo dhan ka hor intaan muddadaas la gaarin. Waxaa xaqiiqo ah in dadka reer Puntland ay faahfaahin dheeraad ah uga fadhiyaan madaxweynaha hannaanka dimoqraadiyaynta dalka sida uu u ambaqaadi doono wixii hadda ka dambeeya.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, waxaan xasuustay in madaxweynuhu wasaarad cusub soo biiriyey; Wasaaradda Dastuurka, Arrimaha Federaalka iyo Dimoqraadiyeynta. Wagar! Dimoqraadiyayn….. oo muxuu qabananayaa haddaba kommishanka doorashooyinka oo ah qodob dastuuri ah marka la sameeyo? Ma wuusan isagu ahayn hay’ad madaxbannaan oo u gaar ah arrimaha dimoqraadiyeynta? Maxaa wasaaradda dhexgeliyey hawlahaas? Waa su’aalo ay isweyddiyeen dadka aad ugu dhuun daloola arrimahaas, welina aysan jawaabo ku filan u helin.

Waa maxay Federaal (Isutag)? 

Federaal ama Isutaggu waa hannaan ismaamul oo muuqaalkiisa ugu mudan, laguna qeexo dastuurka dhexe, uu yahay awoodda oo loo qaybiyo dawladda dhexe iyo dawlad goboleedyo  ay ku hoos jiraan dawladohooda hoose. Yacni  awoodaha ay gobolladu qabsan karaan waa loo madax bannaynayaa, wixii itaalkooda ka baxsanna waxaa isutaagaya dawladda dhexe.

Sidoo kale dawlad kasta oo xubin ka ah isutaggu ama Federalku  waa inay dhexdeeda ka hirgelisaa baahinta ismaamulka, dimoqraadiyeynta, dhowridda xuquuqaha qofka ee kala duwan iwm. Sidaa darteed waxaa hannaanka federaalka lagu gaaraa dawlad wanaag, loogana hortagaa awoodda oo ay dawladda dhexe maroorsato sidii inaku dhacday xataa xilliyadii dawladihii rayidka ahaa.

Cilmi baarayaal kala duwan oo qoraallo ka sameeyey hababka isxukunka (Amar, 1991; Frohnmayer, 1994; Howard, 1993) iyo kuwo kaleba waxay isku raacsan yihiin in Federalism (isutagga) ujeeddada ugu weyni ee laga leeyahay ay tahay in laysaga ilaaliyo meelkadhacyada ama dhibaatooyinka xukuumadda dhexe ay u geysato dadkeeda. Dhibaatooyinkaas in laga hortagona waa mid dadka dan u ah ama dhaqan ha wadaageen ama ha ku kala duwanaadeen. 

Soomaliya iyo Hannaanka Federaalka 

Si aynu haddaba dawlad qaran oo cusub u dhisanno, kama maaranno ku dhaqanka hannaan Federal (isutag) sabaha soo socda awgood:

1. Dawlad goboleedyadu waa hannaanka qura ee bulshada Soomaliyeed ay ku dhayi karto hurgumooyinka boogaha aan weli doorsan, kuna illaawi karto cabsidii, nacaybkii iyo aamin darradii ka dhalatay dagaalkii sokeeye ee qarxay 1991 (Waldo, 2010). Sidaa darteed xilligan dadku nafsad ahaan uma aqbali karaan inay wadaagaan dawlad hal lakab oo keliya ah (unitary system) si kasta oo loo jejebiyo awooddeeda iyadoo weli la xasuusan yahay dambiyadii dhacay 1991 iyo ka gadaal.

2, Waa ismaamul kusoo dhammaystirmaya hannaanka hoos-kor (bottom-up approach) iyadoo bulshooyinka Soomaaliyeed oo dhul ahaan isxiga ay qolo walba dhisanayso maamul goboleed ugu dambayn  isugu tagaya dawlad Soomaaliyeed oo ka dhexaysa.

3. Waa hannaan keeni kara dareen isku dayasho, iskulaylin macaanka qarannimo oo hoos laga soo abuurayo iyo ku dhaqan maamul wanaag dhammaan deegaannada kala duwan, laguna joogteyn karo jiritaanka qaranimadeenna iyadoo dawlad kasta aayeheedu gacanta ugu jiro.

4. Marka laga reebo federaalku, hannaanka ugu wanaagsan ee heerarka ergaynta awoodaha ismaamulka (devolution) kuna yimaada qaabka kor-hoos (top-down approach) ma soo celin karo kalsoonidii ka luntay shacabka Soomaaliyeed, maxaa yeelay awooddahaas la ergeystey berriba waxaa barlamaankii dhexe ee hore u ansixiyey u codayn karaa in la laalo ama lala noqdo.

5. Maadaama isutagga ama federaalka Soomaaliyeed lagu saleeyey sida ku cad dastuurka dhexe, gobolladii 18 ahaa ka hor 1991, lama wada oran karo waxay ku salaysan yihiin hab beeleed waayo gobolladii hore waxa lagu xushay  isudhowaanshaha deegaamada (proximity).

6. Xaaladda caasimadda dalka ka dhexaysa dabcan sida lagu xusay dastuurka waxaa qeexi doona xeer gaar ah. Waase waajib dawladda imminka jirta saaran in xamar la xaalmariyo si ay uga muuqdaan dhammaan wejiyada Soomaliyeed ee kala duwan  oo horay guryohooda iyo maalkoodiiba uga dhaqaaqay.

Haddaba waxaa dawladda Puntland looga fadhiyaa inay kaalin mug leh ka qaadato dhammaystirka iyo soo dedejinta arrimaha federaalka oo lagu soo koobi karo:

1. Inay xiriir dhow oo ku salaysan dan qaran ay la yeelato dawladda dhexe. Macne ma samaynayso in madaxdu ay isku koobto xafiisyada Madaxtooyada Garowe, oo dafadana ka soo rogato arrimaha kale ee Soomaaliya waayo Puntland oo aan qaran Soomaaliyeed ku daabnayn waxtar unoqon mayso dadkeeda. 23 sano ayaa cimriga shacabka Soomaaliyeed macno la’aan uga maqan sidaa darted ma xammilayno xilli intaas ka badan, maalin ba ha ahaatee, oo nagu dhaafta  dawlad dhexe oo aan jirin ama liidata.

2. Inay ku gargaarto dawladda dhexe iyadoo kaalinteeda ka qaadanaysa sidii loo magacaabi lahaa guddiga dhammaystirka dhismaha dawladaha xubnaha ka ah federaalka iyo xaddidaada tiradooda, kaasoo oo shardi u ah ansixinta dastuurka iyo doorashooyinka la filayo 2016.

3. Inay ku casunto Galmudug inay ku soo biirto Puntland si shuruuda dawlad goboleedku u buuxsanto. Weliba sidoo kale inay ugu yeerto gobollada kale oo aynu deriska nahay sida Galguduud inay xubin ka noqon karaan Puntland hadday dan u arkaan.

4. Waa inay isafgarad dhab ah la sameeyaan xukuumadda federaalka si gobollada ku bahoobey Puntland ay aqoonsi dhab ah u siiyaan, ugana ilaaliyaan gorgortan kale

5. Waa inay Puntland qayb ka noqoto wada hadalka dawladda federalka iyo Somaliland maadaama dano ina khuseeya miiska la keenayo. 

Puntland iyo Dimoqraadiyanta 

Axdi qarameedkii Puntland ugu horreeyey oo la qoray sannadkii 1998 wuxuu  u muddeeyey  saddex sano in lagu qabto doorasho guud oo xor iyo xalaal ah, laguna soo doorto hogaan ku yimid codka shacabka. Ha yeeshee 15 sano ka dib weli riyadaasi ma hirgelin iyadoo ay ugu wacan tahay masuuliyad darro ka timid dhanka maamulladii isaga dambeeyey. Waxaa axdigaa ka dambeeyey ugu yaraan  3 dastuur oo qabyo qoraal oo isxigey, oo midna aan  afti loo qaadin, uuna ugu dambeeyey midkii baarlamaankii hore soo gudbiyey sannadii 2012. Inkastoo sida la sheegay qabyo qoraalkii ugu dambeeyey ay ansixiyeen ergooyin ka kala yimid gobollada Puntland halka afti looga qaadi lahaa, haddana arrintaasi muran weyn ayey ka dhex dhalisay shacabka, iyadoo inta badan aysan ku qanacsanayn qaabka wax loo maamulay.

Waxaase xusid mudan in dastuurkan u dambeeyey uu ku salaysan yahay hannaanka axsaabta tirada badan in lagu tartamo laguna soo doorto golayaasha degaanada iyo madaxda  haydaha dawliga labadaba. Waxaynuse la wada soconnaa in qorshihii doorashooyinkii ay burbureen kal hore qaladaadyo jirey awgood. Waxase hubaal in haddii siyaasiyiinta reer Puntland qaarkood ay ugu tafo xaydan lahaayeen  ka miro dhalinta axsaabta badan si la mid siday ugu heellanaayeen hab-beeleedka aynu maanta hogaan ku dayasho mudan Soomaaliya u wada noqon lahayn, kagana heli lahayn adduunka gudo iyo dibedba sumacad ka dheer middan imminka kasbannay.

Haddaba si loo kobciyo dhaqdhaqaaqa siyaasadeed ee Puntland iyo guud ahaan tan Soomaaliyaba waxaan soo jeedinaynaa arrimaha soo socda:

1. In maamulka cusub ee Punland uu si mug leh ugu diyaar garoobo qabsoomidda doorashooyinka loo qorsheeyey inay ka dhacdo Soomaaliya oo dhan sannadka 2016, hormoodna uga noqdo gobollada kale ee Soomaaliya  hirgelinta doorashadaas.

2. In dib loo eego dastuurka Puntland ee imminka jira, islamarkaana afti dadweyne loogu qaado sida ugu dhakhsaha badan, lana dhaqan geliyo xeerarkiisa markay doorashooyin hal qof hal cod ah ay ka hanaqaadaan geyigeenna. Ergadii horay loo sheegay inay ansixisey dastuurka 2012 oo tiradeedu 400 iyo wax la jira ahayd layskuma raacsanayn go’aankooda,.

3. Baahi weyn ayaa dalku u qabaa dhismaha maxkamaddii dastuuriga si ay xal uga gaarto iswaafajinta dhowrkii qabyo qoraal ee dastuurada Puntland soo maray iyo Axdi qarameedkii hore ee la qoray 1998.

4. Dad badan ayaa waxay qabaan maadaama madaxda imminka jirta lagu soo doortay hab beeleed inaan muddada xilhayntooda lagu salayn karin dastuurka u dambeeyey Puntland ee ay tahay in lagu fariisiyo 4 sano ama 3dii sano oo Axdi qaramedkii hore qorayey. Waxaase arrintaas awoodda kala saaristeeda iska leh maxkamadda dastuuriga marka dhismeheeda la hirgeliyo.

5. Inkastoo aysan dheg jalaq u siin, waxaan maamulkii hore ee  madaxweyne Faroole usoo jeediney inay ugogol xaadho maamul cusub oo ku dhammaystira hannaanka dimoqraadiyaynta muddo 2 sano ah  iyadoo ilaalinaysa danta shacabka. Haddaba sidaas si la mid ah ayaan u soo jeedinaynaa dawladda madaxweyne C/weli inay u diyaariso dalka doorasho guud oo ka dhacda sannadka 2016, waa 3 sano ka dibe, kuna soo afjarta nidaamka hab-beeleedka oo aynu caalamka kaga harnay.

Saciid Faarax
Email:inasanweine@gmail.com
—————-

Qoraaga waa gudoomiyaha urur siyaased UDAD ee Puntland. 

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NAIROBI (IRIN) – Somalia’s economy has managed to survive state collapse, maintaining reasonable levels of output throughout the country’s two-decade-long civil war. Now, with political recovery and transition slowly underway, the country’s economy faces new hurdles.

Investors have come to Somalia looking to cash in on the rebuilding process and abundant natural resources in areas such as agriculture and livestock, fisheries, and oil and gas. More innovative fields, such as mobile technology, have also been taking off, although they still only impact a minority of the population (22.5 out of every 100 inhabitants have a mobile phone subscription in Somalia, significantly lower than the developing world average of 84.3).

It is hoped these developments will lay the groundwork for broader economic growth. The second pillar of the president’s Six Pillar Strategy to stabilize the country is economic recovery. In line with this, Somalia aims to build a transparent, formalized, globally competitive economy that collects tax revenues.

But the government faces a number of challenges as it works towards these goals. IRIN looks at some of the most pressing problems.

Certification

Somalia’s government does not have the capacity to participate in certification schemes or to provide authenticity documentation that would enable businesses to sell goods globally. Firms instead have to find unconventional, and often costly, workarounds.

Although sesame seeds are grown in large quantities in Somalia – in 2012 the country was the 12th largest producer in the world – exporting them is a challenge.

“Just before the famine, there was a very good season of sesame, and I remember talking with a businessman who explained he was forced to take the sesame in Somalia and nationalize it in some way in Indonesia to sell it to Germany,” said Luca Alinovi, regional director of the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) at a recent event in Nairobi on Somalia’s foreign direct investment prospects. “This is quite an inefficient way to deal with it – but the only way if you’re not able to have a proper certificatory regime, a proper EPA [Economic Partnership Agreement] between Somalia and Europe.”

Alinovi notes that similar mechanisms are used when it comes to exporting many fishery products.

“This means that the government of Somalia loses money,” he said. “We need to have much stronger capacity to support the country and the people to have those regulatory frameworks which help the people do business properly.”

Trade difficulties

Somalia is not a member of any regional economic blocs, and it has few formal trade deals with other nations. The US and the European Union currently have no trade agreements with Somalia, and the country is not a member of the World Trade Organization, compounding the difficulties local firms face when competing regionally and internationally.

In 2012, Somalia exported goods worth US$693 million (509 million euros), according to data from the European Commission’s Directorate-General for Trade. While this represents a significant increase – in 2008, exports were less than half that number – the country still runs a large trade deficit. In 2012, its imports were valued at $1,818 billion (1,335 million euros).

It also exports less than other countries: Somalia is the 171st largest exporter in the world, and it has the fourth lowest GDP per capita, according to the CIA World Factbook.

Somalia’s biggest export market is to the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which takes in more than half its total exports. Just three countries (UAE, Yemen and Oman) account for 82.5 percent of all exports, predominantly in livestock, out of Somalia.

Regional partners often impose strict restrictions on Somalia, mainly out of security fears. “Borders sometimes are closed,” said Hassan Noor, CEO of Hanvard Africa, a consultant firm that focuses on East Africa. “People fly from Mogadishu direct to Istanbul. They can fly to Dubai. But they can’t fly to the next-door neighbor.” (There are no direct flights between Mogadishu and Ethiopia, for example, although there are to Djibouti, Kampala and Nairobi.)

Read more

Source: IRIN

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By ABDI GULED and JASON STRAZIUSO        
Associated Press

MOGADISHU, Somalia     (AP) — Nine al-Shabab militants wearing military fatigues and carrying guns and grenades died after attacking the presidential palace with two car bombs on Friday, in an assault the president called a “media spectacular” by a “dying animal.”

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was unharmed, but two government officials were killed, the interior ministry said.

The attack underscores a worrying new trend in Mogadishu: That despite a period of relative calm following al-Shabab’s ouster from Mogadishu in August 2011, militants have carried out a series of deadly assaults in recent weeks that have seen the city hit with mortar fire and pitched battles.

Weapons meant for the Somali army could have been used by the militants in Friday’s attack. A confidential U.N. Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea reported this month that the country’s military is selling weaponry in markets where the al-Qaida-linked militants buy weapons.

In at least one case weapons were sold by a military commander directly to an al-Shabab commander, the confidential report said.

Friday’s attack against the compound where the president and prime minister live began with a car bomb explosion, followed by an assault by gunmen on palace guards, said police Capt. Mohamed Hussein. Al-Shabab, an al-Qaida-linked group, claimed responsibility.

“President just called me to say he’s unharmed. Attack on Villa (hash)Somalia had failed. Sadly some lives lost. I condemn strongly this terrorism,” the U.N. representative to Somalia, Nick Kay, said on Twitter. He added later: “The Somali people are tired of shootings, bombings and killings. It’s time for a new chapter in Somalia’s history.”

The Interior Ministry displayed the seven bloodied and dead bodies of the attackers and said two others blew themselves up. The wreckages of two car bombs lay nearby.

The two others killed included a former intelligence commander and an aide to the prime minister, a Somali-American named Mohamud Hersi Abdulle, said Hussein.

“Apart from media headlines, (hash)Shabaab will achieve nothing from it,” a Twitter account run by the office of Hassan Sheikh Mohamud said. `Don’t be fooled by this “media spectacular’. This is another act of desperation from a dying animal.”

Al-Shabab has been waging war in Somalia for years as it tries to oust a Western-backed government. Weakened from its apex of power, the militants are still able to launch vicious attacks.

The U.N. Monitoring Group report, published Feb. 6 and obtained by The Associated Press, found that many weapons given to Somalia’s military can no longer be accounted for, including rocket-propelled grenades, hand grenades and bullets. The Monitoring Group “has developed serious concerns that the 1,000 AK-47s delivered from Uganda” are no longer in government control, it said.

The report said that two separate clan-based power bases in the government are procuring weapons with a clan-based agenda that works against peace in Somalia, including by distributing weapons to clan militias. A sub clan of the president’s dominates weapons procurements and funnels them to Abgaal milita forces, it said.

“In addition, the Monitoring Group has also obtained documentary evidence corroborating information that a key advisor to the President, from his Abgaal subclan, has been involved in planning weapons deliveries to Al-Shabaab leader Sheikh Yusuf Isse `Kabukatukade’, who is also Abgaal,” the report said.

The report also said that ammunition supplied to Somalia’s army have been leaked in large quantities to arms markets. Weapons and ammunition not sold at a market during the day are taken back for storage in garages and houses owned by Somalia army officers, the report said.

“Al-Shabaab are known to frequent the market to purchase weapons and ammunition and were easily identifiable by the salesmen there,” the report said.

Somalia’s government has not responded publicly to the report and did not immediately respond to a request for comment Friday.

Ken Menkhaus, a Somalia expert at Davidson College, wrote in a new paper on al-Shabab being published Monday in the CTC Sentinal, Westpoint’s anti-terrorism publication, that al-Shabab has been weakened as a political movement and will not be able to establish an Islamic state, but that it’s secret service – “Amniyat” – can still unleash devastating attacks against African Union forces and the Somali government.

In Friday’s attack, a speeding car full of explosives rammed into a barricade erected by soldiers protecting the presidential palace, causing an explosion and sending plumes of smoke into the sky. Amid the mayhem, gunmen chanting “God is great” then moved toward a second gate and tried to force their way into the complex.

Source: AP

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By Dominic Gover

Reuters
Mission to Mars not on the cards for Muslims after ruling by UAE Islamic panel

Errant Muslims hoping to dodge divine judgement are living on another planet, clerics in the United Arab Emirates have warned.

A committee of religious scholars in the Gulf state has banned Muslims from travelling to Mars because it is against the rules of Islam.

The proclamation – known as a fatwa – was triggered by a project to establish a permanent human colony on the Red Planet by 2023. Apparently, 500 Saudis have applied for a one-way ticket from organisers Mars One.

Religious chiefs fear that some lapsed believers will seek to quit Planet Earth  in order to escape judgement by Allah. But they warned this would be a mistake – due to His omnipotence.

“Not even an atom falls outside the purview of Allah, the Creator of Everything,” proclaimed the General Authority of Islamic Affairs and Endowment in the UAE.

“This has also been clearly underscored [in] the Holy Quran in which Allah says: ‘There is no one in the heavens and earth but that he comes to the Most Merciful as a servant. He has enumerated them and counted them a [full] counting.’”

Another factor against putting Muslims on Mars in the panel’s opinion was its own apparently very pessimistic view of the mission’s chance of success. It thinks the trip will be a suicide mission – and suicide is strictly forbidden under Islam.

Sheikh Mohammed Yusuf, Imam of the Amena mosque, said: “Man’s life is not his or her own property; it is God’s creation, and therefore suicide is prohibited in all religions, and of course by law.”

Professor Dr Farooq Hamada added: “Almighty Allah said in verse 2/195 in the Holy Quran: Do not throw yourselves with your own hands into destruction.”

Mars One invited volunteers to apply for a ticket to Mars last year, at a price of less than £30. Under current plans, the first mission to Mars shall lift off in 2023, with another one every two years thereafter.

Source: IBTimes

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Wararka maanta ee Raadiyaha Wardheer waxaa ka mid ah: Al shabaab oo sheegatay in ay qasaare u geesteen ciidanka Itoobiya ee ku sugan Gedo sidoo kalena ka hadlay dagaalo habeen ka hor ka dhacay Muqdisho iyo warar kale

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Reviewed by Hassan M. Abukar

Book: Somali Phoenix
Author: Jama Mohamed Ghalib
Publisher: Self
Date: January, 2013
Pages: 272
Available: Amazon.com     

Jama Mohamed Ghalib “Jama Yare” is a Somali politician and writer. He held important posts in Somalia’s civilian government in the 1960s, and later in Siad Barre’s regime. He was the head of the national police under Barre and served, among other important posts, as interior, labor, local government and transport minister. After 1991, he served as a special adviser to General Mohamed Farah Aideed and later became an active participant in various Somali peace conferences held in Kenya, Ethiopia, Egypt and Djibouti. Jama published his first book, The Cost of Dictatorship, in 1995. The book under review, Somali Phoenix, is his latest.

This book is a continuation of unfinished business that the author did not address in his first book. It begins with the significance of the Arta Conference which was held in Djibouti in 2000. That important gathering, just 10 years after the beginning of the Somali civil war, was historic—it was the first time a Somali peace conference run by Somalis produced the first transitional government in the country. A Somali government came to existence that was internationally recognized, with a national charter and a clearly defined structure of power: executive, legislative, and judiciary branches. Unfortunately, Arta’s success was not capitalized upon because powerful and sinister forces made sure that it did not succeed. First and foremost, Ethiopia—Somalia’s longtime neighbor and rival— was inimical to the Somali-owned peace conference from the very beginning. Addis Ababa, sensing a rare opportunity to precipitate Somalia’s decline into anarchy, set out to derail the accomplishments of the Arta conference and the transitional national government that it bore. While Ethiopia was the major obstacle, according to Ghalib, other international entities such as the United Nations and the United States, turned a blind eye on Addis Ababa’s negative meddling in Somali affairs. This Ethiopian intervention manifested in several forms, from actual military invasion and periodic incursions in the country to blatant interference —mostly by proxy— in all Somali peace conferences. In one instance during the early 1990s, Somalia’s factions, which were 16, were invited to a gathering in Addis Ababa. Soon, that number had multiplied into 25 separate groups. Some of the Somali personalities who had been invited were mere figures without actual groups. Ethiopia, according to Ghalib, has always had an expansionist policy toward Somalia, a policy that is several hundred years old and is also deeply rooted in fear of Islam.

Ghalib devotes more than 98 pages (one-third) of the book to the destabilizing role of Ethiopia in the past and present of Somalia. What follows is an interesting discussion of other countries’ policies toward Somalia. For instance, Ghalib has a positive view of countries and entities like Kenya, Djibouti, Italy, Egypt, OAU, and the Arab League. The book also covers some general features of Somali culture, Somaliland, and certain key personalities in Somalia.

The discussion on Somaliland and how its secessionist government was founded is perhaps one of the most interesting parts of the book. Ghalib, an avowed nationalist and unionist, minces no words and provides detailed historical and legal refutations of claims made by Somaliland politicians as to why they opted for secession from Somalia.

Perhaps, the discussion of some Somali political leaders, as seen by Ghalib, will create uproar. Ghalib talks about personalities such as Dr. Ismail Jumale Ossoble, Hashi Weheliye Maalin, Ali Mahdi, Aideed, Abdulkadir Zoppo, Abdullahi Yusuf, Mohamed Abshir, Abdirahman Tuur, and Mohamed Ibrahim Egal. The author’s view of the Aideed is generally positive. Ghalib, for instance, spends less than a paragraph discussing the clan cleansing that took place in southern Somalia. Ghalib’s four-sentence recap of that tragedy in Mogadishu in which thousands of innocent civilians were killed, uprooted, and targeted simply because of their clan affiliation, is as follows:

“Aideed led an uprising against a formidable and strongly established order. The victory over the latter, unfortunately, degenerated into a tragic civil war and inter-clan strafes to which Aideed’s militia was also a party. People therefore died on all sides throughout these conflicts, whether combatants or innocents. Many personalities including Aideed could not therefore escape responsibility for the upheavals per se, but he was never personally accused, let alone proved, of any particular willful murder of non-combatant civilians.”

Ghalib’s narrative of the late former prime minister of Somalia, Egal, is the most intriguing. The discussion is exhaustive and multi-faceted. It covers Egal’s family history, his failure to finish college in England, his political career which was replete with brilliance and backstabbing, public service and corruption, relations with the CIA—real or imagined—and years of imprisonment in Barre’s jails, serving as lackey to Barre after his release and betraying his people in the north, and finally changing colors and expediently becoming a secessionist leader and president of Somaliland. What piques the interest of the reader is what Egal did to Ghalib while the former was in power in Somaliland. Egal sent assassins to Ghalib’s house in Hargeisa, who in turn showered the author and his family with a fusillade of bullets. Fortunately, no one was hurt.  Ghalib has reproduced in his book a hand-written letter allegedly written by Egal ordering the political assassination.

Ghalib’s book is a valuable addition to Somali studies. He is an excellent writer and is well-versed in Somali history, politics and culture. His assessment of political events, though at times clouded by his inherent biases, is powerful. I liked Ghalib’s first book, The Cost of Dictatorship, and feel the same with his new book. Ghalib is a Somali icon whose integrity and love of Somalia cannot be disputed. He stands tall in a world where many Somali politicians have sold their country to the highest bidder. Some consider Ghalib as a politician who, despite having served under Barre for 14 years as head of the police and interior minister, has not taken any responsibility for the crimes of that repressive regime. This is a subject Ghalib has yet to address because he has skillfully eschewed it in his prolific writings about Somalia.

Because this book is self-published, Ghalib, unlike his first book, lacked the services of a professional editor. Hence, the book is poorly edited. It is inundated with numerous references—some good and some unimportant—that should have been neatly organized in footnotes. Despite that shortcoming, I would highly recommend this book to serious readers who are interested in Somali history and politics and who want to know why Somalia is in the state that it is in today.

Hassan M. Abukar
Email:abukar60@yahoo.com
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Hassan M. Abukar is a freelance writer and political analyst.

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By Faisal A. Roble

Last night at about 3 AM, one odd spooky call from Nairobi wakes me up.

“Is this Faisal Roble,” the voice on the other end of the call said.

“Who is it?” I enquire.

“You don’t know me mudane Roble, but my name is Ibrahim,” just like an incognito detective would say

“What is it?” I went.

“Indha Qarsho’s residence has been blown up; the security chief is killed, and the Alshabab terrorists are parading inside Villa Somalia…..”

“Wait! Wait!” and I jumped out of my bed.

“Yes, walaahi… Even the President is at risk because they invaded his Masajid inside Villa Somalia.”

After few minutes, reality sunk in and I began a dreadful Friday, a black Friday if you will.

The attack on Villa Somalia (Presidential compound) in Mogadishu by Alshabab militia on Friday 21, 2014 is without a doubt devastating both to President Sheikh Mohamoud and to the families of the victims. Without a radical departure from the status quo, Security will not improve in Mogadishu.

I could not help but sympathize with the President, especially after I read his tweeted press release, which in effect conveyed a sense of loss and resignation.  He sounded dark, downcast, and dreary. In his follow up radio address, he was incoherent and at times lost the focus, like the time when he chastises regional leaders.

By some estimates, as many as forty people, , including Mahamoud Abdulle Hirsi (Indha Case), chief of staff in the Prime Minister’s office, with whom I briefly communicated on the debate of the UN’s arms embargo a year ago, are reported to have died.  His death in particular aches my heart for he left behind 9 children and a wife in Ottawa, Canada. He was a brilliant man, RIP.

This is one of the most shocking and discoursing news to have come out of Mogadishu.  The representative of AMISOM, ambassador Annadif’s press release on the matter was all the more one of resignation and hopelessness too.

Ambassador Annadif said: “AMISOM cannot protect Somalia from or defeat Alshabab if the Somalis themselves are not willing to fight to get rid of Alshabab.”  Whether this is a reaction from a fainted heart or an inclination of a comprehensive re-assessment of the entire AMISOM mission remains to be seen. Needless to say, AMISOM too failed in Somalia just as did its predecessor, UNISOM.

However, any reaction and a subsequent assessment of this latest Alshabab triumphalist act must go a bit beyond solidary provided to the President, or a sorely needed sympathy extended to the fallen individuals’ families. Solutions to this nagging security problem must radical with an out of the box approach.

Event Leading to February Meltdown

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud came to office in August of 2012 with three simple goals as his priorities: “security, security, and security,” he said with his face wearing the biggest smile one can expect from a rooky President whose only job prior to this weighty position was managing marginal Non-Governmental Organizations.

Despite rhetoric and feel-good speeches to overenthusiastic sectarian diaspora groups, terror was coming back to Mogadishu by December of last year, and normalcy was steadily slipping out of hand.  The government turned a blind eye to many calls to dismantle the terrorist infrastructures all of which are housed and nurtured inside Mogadishu.

But many Somalis including this author believe that the President, himself a member of the wider political Islam and a hard core sectarian in Somalia’s’ fractured politics due to its humpty dumpty clan structure, has repeatedly failed to take offers and advises to help him re-energize the country.

By March 2013, some of us were convinced that Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud was not that one leader to take Somalia out of the quagmire and terror. For example, In “Somalia: A Government failing at its own Peril,” I opined the following in assessing the return of terror to Mogadishu:  

“On March 19, 2013, the New York Times  carried a front-page story about Alshabab resuming its aggressive acts of terrorizing the residents of Mogadishu. This is one of a series of troubling signs of the deterioration of Hassan Sheikh’s administration.  Despite his premature and uninitiated over-pledging pronouncement to the nation that his three top priorities are “security, security, security,” the nation is less secure now than six months.  Security is slipping out of hand; dead bodies continue to turn up in Mogadishu’s dark alleys as if we were experiencing a de Javu of the days of extreme anarchy.” 

The first signs of the current total melt down of Mogadishu’s security were visible to the naked eyes for some time now.  By the start of the New Year, Mogadishu was awash with rumors of a weak and isolated President; the US intelligence community wrote him off as a “weak and ineffective leader.”

The February 2014 edition of the Africa Confidential reports that the President is   “isolated” and tormented. Also, some unconfirmed reports suggest that the EU and Turkey have already given up on President Hassan’s leadership; the EU in particular is said to be on the lookout for his replacement.

The confluence of (1) an ailing President, who was flown to Turkey, (2) the expose of a culture of “slush money” and cash in $100 bills laundered out of the Turkish embassy in Mogadishu, and (3) the releasing of about 700 former Somali National Army (SNA) members from their duties are all parts of the total ingredients that make up the perfect storm that hit Mogadishu’s security sector, and the eventual melting down of Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud’s regime almost claimed his own life.

The crowning of this melt down was none other than the findings by the United Nations Monitory Group on Somalia and Eretria. It said:

“Somalia could not account for about 1,000 AK-47s delivered from Uganda” and it has obtained documentary evidence corroborating information that a key advisor to the President, from his Abgaal subclan, has been involved.  Some of the weapons also went to another subclan (Habar gidir via the Interior Minister, Abdikarim Gulied).  Moreover, weapons were also delivered to Alshabab leader Sheikh Yusuf Isse ‘Kabukatukade’, who is also Abgaal.”

PM is Missing in Action (MIA) 

The dereliction of duty on the part of the Prime Minister has indeed aggravated the situation.  Almost a week ago, at a critical time when the President was out of the country and when Alshabab fighters were incidentally crashing on the gates of Villa Somalia and skirmishing with soldiers on the street in front of Presidential palace was already there.  Yet, the Prime Minister “vacated Villa Somalia” to take a lavish tour covering several countries.

Call this a messed up priority.  No executive leader of any sort in any part of the globe (mayor of a city, governor of a region or state, President or a vice President/Prime Minister) would abandon his people at such a critical moment.

Mogadishu was in a high (red!) alert state on February 14, 2014 when the PM left town.  And, to date he is still out of the country! Picture side by side the death and torment in Villa Somalia that he had vacated on the 14^th of February and his staying at five star hotels abroad. Words that he uttered in Nairobi such as the country is a dire condition have all eroded whatever confidence his office may have otherwise enjoyed.

No matter how you slice it, it is simply an ugly picture that comes out of the PM’s MIA status with a bad after-taste (Where is Amin Amir when you need him!). Worse, that his chief of staff, Mohamud Xirsi Abdulle (Indha Case), a bright man, is in the meantime dead inside the palace says it all.

If Somalia did not need this Prime Minister’s input and his service at this juncture, let alone President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud not having his consultation at hand in the war room, there is no other worse time Somalia should need this PM’s service. It seems obvious to me that the nation can do without him.

Some simple, sincere yet bold steps may help this lame duck President to get out of the quagmire, and realign/restore hope in the immediate future:

- Replace the Prime Minister or shadow him with someone who has a sense of urgency of the nation’s business and wellbeing. If the nation did not need the current PM in the last 24 hours, then he is not so critical to the nation’s search for recovery.

- Call for a meeting with the regional Presidents of Puntland and Jubbland and others that are established, and come up together with an honest plan that is incremental and has achievable goals to first stabilize Mogadishu and the rest of the country.  This effort must be a Somali owned project.  Also, such a project must involve dismantling the terrorist infrastructure inside Mogadishu particularly that of the President’s clan of Abgaal and Habar gidir establishments.

- Move some functions of the federal government to peaceful areas (Puntland, for example) and begin a serious conversation on how to integrate the security apparatus of Puntland’s Darwih army, Jubbaland’s Raskamboni units, and Mogadishu’s untainted units of its purported SNA.  Alshabab cannot be defeated by any other power except an indigenous and willing Somalis.

- Be humble and admit to the nation of your failings. The nation is capable to forgive and side with you in a new and honest compact to bring back their nation.  Once failed should not mean forever failed.

Faisal A. Roble
Email:faisalroble19@gmail.com

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